Showing posts with label rape. Show all posts
Showing posts with label rape. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 10, 2016

Stormont MLA’s will vote today on pro-abortion amendments to the Criminal Justice Bill


Two amendments to the Criminal Justice Bill seeking the introduction of abortion now look unlikely to pass as the DUP say they will vote against it.
The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) has however asked the Northern Ireland Health Minister to set up a working group to look at how the issue of so called ‘fatal foetal abnormality’ can be addressed.
Two separate amendments to the Northern Ireland Criminal Justice Bill, tabled by  the Alliance and the Green Parties, aimed at changing the law on abortion will come to a vote today Wednesday February 10th, The amendments if approved would allow abortion of babies with life-limiting disabilities and babies conceived by criminal acts (rape or incest).
Both the Society for the Protection of Unborn Children and Precious Life appealed to MLA’s to reject the proposals. These are the most vulnerable of unborn children and if their legal protection is denied, the legal protection of all unborn children is brought into question.

Northern Ireland’s Catholic Bishops have also urged Assembly members to reject the proposed amendments. The Bishops in their statement rephrased the issue to refer to unborn children with life-limiting conditions, rather than the pro-abortion definition of ‘fatal foetal abnormality’.

The DUP has asked the Northern Ireland health minister to set up a working group to look at how the issue of fatal foetal abnormality can be addressed.
The move comes as MLAs prepare for an assembly debate on whether to make abortions legal in such cases. The DUP said the issue required proper consideration by the assembly and executive, and that the Bill was not intended for this purpose. They have asked Health Minister Simon Hamilton to set up a working group, including clinicians and people with a legal background, to make recommendations as to how the issue can be addressed, including, if necessary, draft legislation. It is to report within six months.

The proposed amendment looks unlikely to pass now that the DUP has said it will be voting against it.

Wednesday, March 23, 2011

Abortion's Ethics


Zenit. Org this week published an article under the heading abortion’s ethics; “An Appeal to Reason" by Father John Flynn, LC, in which he reviews Christopher Kaczor's book "The Ethics of Abortion: Women's Rights, Human Life and the Question of Justice," (Routledge).
Fr Flynn writes
Defenders of the right to abortion often criticize pro-lifers for trying to impose their religious beliefs on others. While religion does provide cogent arguments in this debate it's far from the whole story, as a recent book establishes.

Christopher Kaczor, in "The Ethics of Abortion: Women's Rights, Human Life and the Question of Justice," (Routledge), takes a philosophical look at abortion and explains why it is not ethically justifiable.
One of the key points Kaczor addresses is when personhood begins. Some advocates of abortion argue that you can distinguish humans from persons. An example he gives is that of Mary Anne Warren, who offers a number of criteria needed before we can say someone is a person.
She proposes that persons have consciousness of objects and events and the capacity to feel pain. They also have the power of reason and the capacity for self-motivated activity, along with the capacity to communicate.

In replying to such an argument Kaczor pointed out that, using such criteria, it would be hard to argue against infanticide, as a newborn baby doesn't fulfill these criteria any more than an unborn fetus.
Moreover, we do not cease to be persons when we are asleep or under sedation for surgery, even though at that time we are not conscious or in movement. As well, those with dementia or the disabled don't satisfy Warren's criteria for personhood.

Another approach to justifying abortion it that based on location, that is, whether you are within or outside the uterus. Kaczor contended that personhood is more than a matter of location. If we were to admit this argument then it follows that when there is artificial fertilization outside the womb, the new being has the status of personhood, but then loses it when implanted in the womb, only to regain it again when it has left the womb.

Location
Then there are also instances of open fetal surgery, during which the human fetus is sometimes brought outside the uterus. If we determine personhood by existence outside the womb then it commits us to the implausible view that in such cases the fetus is a non-person who then becomes a person, and then becomes a non-person again when returned to the uterus, only to become a person again at birth.
Excluding location as a criteria for being considered a person, Kaczor then debated the question of whether personhood is established at some point between conception and birth. Viability, that is if the fetus in utero is potentially capable of living outside the mother's womb, was referred to by the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade as one way to determine if human fetuses deserve some legal protection, he noted.
Yet, there are problems with such a position, according to Kaczor. For example, conjoined twins sometimes depend on each other for life and nevertheless both are considered to be persons.
Viability also poses a problem because fetuses in wealthy countries with advanced health care become viable before fetuses in poor countries. And female fetuses become viable before male fetuses. Should differences of sex and affluence have a bearing on personhood?
Another approach is to consider that the capacity to suffer pain or enjoy pleasure is when we could mark the beginning of a right to life, Kaczor continued. This isn't sufficient either, he responded. It excludes those who are under anesthesia or in coma. Moreover, he said, some animals have this capacity but we do not consider that they have a right to life.
A possible fallback position in this argument is saying that not all beings have the capacity to feel pleasure or pain, so that only those with a higher degree of sentience and a more developed capacity to pursue interests are to be considered persons, Kaczor explained.
The problem with this, he pointed out, is that persons differ greatly in their capacity for pain or pleasure and we can hardly conclude that this provides a ground to consider that they differ radically in terms of personhood or rights.

Gradualism
A pro-choice response to the above critiques takes the form of the gradualist view. Kaczor said that this consists in arguing that the right to life gradually increases in strength as the pregnancy develops, and the more similar a fetus is to persons like ourselves the greater protection it should have.
Nevertheless, Kaczor noted that there is a difference in the right to life and other rights. There are age restrictions on voting, driving, or being elected to public office. This happens because the right involved implicates an ability to discharge the responsibilities that comes with it.
The right to life, however, does not implicitly contain any corresponding responsibilities and so can be enjoyed regardless of age or mental capacities.
Another problem with the gradualist approach is that human development hardly ends with birth. If moral status were linked to physiological development then killing a 14-year-old requires a greater justification than killing a 6-year-old.
The failure of such arguments, Kaczor affirmed, leads us to the conclusion that, if there are no ethically relevant differences between human beings of various stages of development that render some as non-persons, then the dignity and value of the human person does not begin after birth, nor at some point during gestation. Thus, all human beings are also human persons.
History provides us the many examples of the need to respect all human beings as persons having dignity. Virtually no one today, at least in the West, Kaczor argued, would defend slavery, misogyny, or anti-Semitism. Are we really justified in treating some human beings as less than persons, or will we be judged by history as just one more episode in the long line of exploitation of the powerful over the weak?

Conception
This gives rise to the question of whether human beings begin to exist at conception. This is not primarily a moral question, but a scientific one, according to Kaczor. He went on to quote from a number of scientific and medical texts, all of which affirm that with conception there is the start of a new human life and that there is a fundamental change with the creation of a being with 46 chromosomes.

After fertilization no outside agency is present that changes the newly conceived organism into something else. Rather, the human embryo is self-developing towards its future state.
"Speaking analogously, the human embryo is therefore not merely a detailed blueprint of the house that will be built but a tiny house that constructs itself larger and more complex through its active self-development towards maturity," Kaczor elucidated.

After this the later chapters of the book look at a number of arguments used by defenders of abortion. One by one he examines them and points out their weaknesses.
For example, it has been argued that because in the early stages it is possible for twinning to occur, the embryo is not an individual human being. Kaczor replied to this by arguing that even if one being can be divided into two beings this does not mean that it was never an individual being.
After all, he added, most plants can give rise to further individual plants, but this does not mean a plant cannot be an individual, distinct plant.
He also examined the hard cases, such as pregnancy as a result of rape or incest. 
The personhood of the fetus, Kazcor insisted, does not depend on the way in which it was conceived. "You are who you are regardless of the circumstances of your conception and birth," he said.

Kazcor's densely-reasoned book contains many more carefully thought-out arguments, making it a valuable resource for all those concerned about protecting human life.

Link to ZENIT .org article

Friday, January 2, 2009

I am the hard choice


Rebecca Kiessling was conceived through rape and adopted after surviving two botched abortions. She is an ardent pro-lifer campaigner, writing and speaking on this most difficult of subjects and will be speaking at the SPUC International Student Conference in March (I will link to the website when it has been updated). Her website tells her incredible story and that of other 'hard cases' like her.

Sunday, November 23, 2008

Victory over Violence


Feminists for Life of America have released a video of a talk given by Joyce Ann McCauley-Benner, a woman who discovered she was pregnant two months after being raped. Rather than seeing herself as a 'hard case', she describes her decision to take care of the baby as her own victory over violence. One of the slogans of Feminists for Life is 'Say No to the Status Quo.'

Warning: The talk contains descriptions of sexual assault and may be unsuitable for some viewers.

Sunday, October 12, 2008

Turning a blind eye to rape?


Students for Life of America have secretly filmed a conversation between a student and a Planned Parenthood employee during which the student, posing as a 15-year-old, asks for the morning after pill because, she says, she has had sex with her mother's live-in boyfriend. The employee expresses some concern that an illegal act has occurred - statutory rape - but a subsequent investigation found that the facility did not report the case to the relevent authorities as it is obliged to do by law.

Friday, August 15, 2008

I know I made the right decision...


'Elizabeth' was sixteen when she was dragged into the back of a van by three men and gang raped. Some time later, when the police investigation had petered out, she realised she was pregnant. Everyone except her mother felt strongly that she should have an abortion and reacted with horror when she expressed her wish to carry the child to term. However, in her own words:
'Everyone, save for mum, thought I should have an abortion. My dad even made an appointment at the clinic, and they showed me the little blob on the scan, I presume, to convince me that it was just a mass of cells and the whole thing would be over quickly.

'But I couldn't go through with it. At school, my friends - most of whom didn't even know about the rape - couldn't understand why anyone my age would want to have a baby rather than an abortion.

'And the few I did tell about what had happened were even more horrified that I would want to go through with the birth.

'But I did. And I don't regret it for a moment. Every time I look at Phoebe, I know I made the right decision. I never wanted to end my baby's life just because of how she came to be.


One of the most shocking aspects to Elizabeth's story was the hostility she had to bear from members of her own community, particularly members of her church. Many of them appear not to have realised she had been raped and dismissed her as a 'silly teenager', condemning her when they should have been offering support. Even those who knew the terrible ordeal she had suffered appear to have been horrified that she refused an abortion rather than saluting her courage.

The abortion lobby is very good at using the suffering of rape victims to further their own agenda, whilst young women like Elizabeth who challenge assumptions about the 'hard cases' are simply ignored. Her final words on the subject are particularly moving. When asked what she will tell her daughter if she asks about her father, she says:

'If I have to, I will say that she was the good that came out of something bad. And I will tell her that, however she came to be, I have never ever regretted having her, and I would not be without her for the world.'